If Barack Obama really wants to set the nation and the world talking, he might do well to try new approaches to old problems
The best-known, or most notorious, state of the union address of recent times was delivered 10 years ago by George Bush, in January 2002, when he (or rather his speechwriter, David Frum) coined a phrase that has resonated ever since: the "axis of evil". Bush was referring to three "rogue" states: Saddam Hussein's Iraq, which he had already privately earmarked for US-facilitated regime change, Iran and North Korea. "States like these, and their terrorist allies constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world," Bush declared.
Barack Obama's state of the union speech tonight is unlikely to throw up a catchy phrase or soundbite to compare with Bush's portentous effort, although White House aides doubtless toiled until the last minute to try to attract the headline writers. Nor is Obama's election-year address, with a strong emphasis on domestic woes, likely to set the international agenda the way Bush did. After all, much of the decade after 2002 was taken up with US efforts, overt and covert, successful and floundering, to eliminate perceived threats emanating from the terrible trio.
This is a missed opportunity. If Obama really wanted to set the nation and the world talking, and breathe vigorous life into his so far underwhelming bid for a second term, he might do well to try new approaches to old problems. Instead of attempting to manage issues such as Iran's suspect nuclear programme, or skip over difficult challenges such as repeat sub-Saharan food emergencies, he could take a chance and propose radical solutions. Instead of trying to make a media splash, he could try to make a difference. In short, he could promulgate a three-pronged "axis of virtue".
Here are key excerpts from the "axis of virtue" speech Obama probably won't deliver:
1. "My fellow Americans. War with Iran in 2012 is not inevitable. It is not desirable. It is not practicable. And it is not necessary. There is no evidence – not one shred – that Iran has built or acquired a usable nuclear weapon. Nor is there good reason to believe it would use such weapons, against Israel or anybody else, should it obtain them in the future. Iranians are no different from Americans and Europeans. They are not suicidal. They wish to defend themselves against attack. Our job is to assure them they are not under threat.
"So today I announce that my administration will prepare and ask Congress to sign into law a non-aggression pact with the Islamic Republic of Iran. This pact will form the springboard for immediate, unconditional, across-the-board bilateral negotiations on restoring diplomatic and political ties, trade, investment, and people and cultural exchanges between our two great countries. We want to welcome Iran back into the family of nations. It has been absent for too long. For good measure, we are also planning full diplomatic relations with the state of Palestine and with Cuba. The days of big countries bullying weaker ones are over."
2. "My fellow Americans. Capitalism in 2012 is not working. Maybe it did once, maybe some time in the summer of 1957, but few of us are old enough to remember that day, and anyway it didn't last. Across America and Europe, political leaders, bankers and market managers are urging their fellow citizens: "Ask not what capitalism can do for you but what you can do for capitalism." This is all wrong. This has become the era of the big-shot bailout. This is is the new age of Robin Hood, in which the Sheriff of Nottingham turned out to be the good guy, robbing the poor to give to the rich.
"This has to change. It will change. Today I am announcing the nationalisation of America's banks, stiff new international regulation of the stock markets, a 90% tax rate on those who are paid more than $100,000 a year, and the redirection of half of the Pentagon's annual military budget, worth approximately $400bn, into public works programmes and investment in the nation's schools, hospitals and infrastructure. This administration will create a fairer, freer nation. We will create a country worthy of all Americans, not just the privileged few. We will put America back to work. Once more we will set an example to the world!"
3. "My fellow Americans. The United States is the richest and most powerful country in the world. It is the 'exceptional' country. And yet, despite its wealth, the US contributed only 0.21% of its gross national income in international development assistance in 2009, far below the 0.7% annual target set by the United Nations. Tiny Sweden, Norway and Luxembourg, who all exceeded the UN target, put us to shame. If the US is to meet its international obligations, it must provide another roughly $60bn in aid every year.
"What would such an increase in American assistance mean in practice? We could help end child malnutrition in sub-Saharan Africa. We could eradicate preventable diseases across that wonderful continent. We could assist sustainable and environment-friendly agricultural and industrial development across the developing world, thereby reducing the impact of global warming. We could reduce the influence of Islamist extremists by reducing the hunger and inequality on which they thrive. We could help build stable, well-governed democracies that espouse American beliefs and values and do not threaten our nation's security and our people.
"As the Prayer of St Francis says, 'It is in giving that we receive'. And such an act of generosity, surely, would be the finest possible vindication and accolade for our great country, drawn from all the peoples of the earth and set free to thrive in liberty. My fellow Americans, more than anything I can say, such a practical expression of our gratitude and humility would speak proud, glorious volumes about the true 'state of the nation'."